In The Matter Of The Speaker Of The Senate & Another [2013] EKLR | ||
Advisory Opinion Reference 2 of 2013 | 01 Nov 2013 |
Philip Kiptoo Tunoi, Kalpana Hasmukhrai Rawal, Jackton Boma Ojwang, Mohammed Khadhar Ibrahim, Willy Munywoki Mutunga, Smokin Charles Wanjala, Njoki Susanna Ndungu
Supreme Court of Kenya
In the Matter of the Speaker of the Senate & Senate of the Republic of Kenya
In the Matter of the Speaker of the Senate & another [2013] eKLR
The Senate had a role to play in the processing of the Division of Revenue Bill
Speaker of the Senate & another v Attorney General & 3 others
Advisory Opinion Reference No 2 of 2013
Supreme Court at Nairobi
W M Mutunga, CJ; K H Rawal, DCJ; P K Tunoi, M K Ibrahim, J B Ojwang,
S C Wanjala & N S Ndungu, SCJJ
November 1, 2013
Reported by Njeri Githang’a & Victor Andande
Brief facts
The Reference herein was occasioned by the act of the Speaker of one parliamentary Chamber, the National Assembly, reversing his action of referring a legislative matter to the other Chamber, the Senate, and having the National Assembly alone conclude deliberations on a Bill, which was then transmitted to the President for assent and which thereafter became enacted law. This was the Division of Revenue Bill, providing for a sharing in finances between the national and the county governments. Whereas the National Assembly’s stand was that the Bill was only concerned with the financing of county government by the national government, and therefore was the exclusive legislative responsibility of the National Assembly, the applicants maintained that as the county governments had a major interest in the monies in question, service of that interest, by the Constitution, involved the Senate’s legislative contribution; and that no valid law could be enacted without such legislative contribution. Being anxious about the due functioning of the several institutions established under the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 and in particular, about the Senatorial function, as a safeguard for the principle of devolved government, the applicants moved the Supreme Court for an advisory opinion.
Issues
- What was the scope of the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction to render an advisory opinion?
- Whether the Supreme Court had jurisdiction to render an Advisory Opinion regarding the constitutional process attending the enactment of the Division of Revenue Act, 2013 (Act No. 31 of 2013).
- What was the Senate’s role in the legislative process for Bills concerning county government?
- When and how did a question for the consideration of the two Speakers in the two houses arise under Article 110(3) of the Constitution?
- What was the role of the National Assembly vis-à-vis the Senate in the origination, consideration and enactment of the division and allocation of revenue bills?
- Whether the Supreme Court had jurisdiction to determine a dispute arising between the Senate and the National Assembly.
- Whether the Supreme Court could interfere with the Parliament’s legislative authority, and if so in what circumstances.
Jurisdiction – Supreme Court – advisory opinion – jurisdiction of the court to give an advisory opinion – where the applicants moved the Supreme Court for an advisory opinion regarding the role of the Senate in legislative process leading to the enactment of the Division and Allocation of Revenue Act – claim by the interested parties that the relevant issues properly fell within the domain of the litigated cause rather than that of the advisory opinion – whether in the circumstances of the case the Supreme Court had jurisdiction to render an advisory opinion – Constitution of Kenya, 2010, article 163(6); Supreme Court Act, Section 3(d) .
Constitutional law – devolution – the role of the Senate in legislation – where the concerned division of revenue – whether the Senate had a role to play in the enactment of the Division and Allocation of Revenue Act – Constitution of Kenya, 2010, articles 110(3) & 112
Held
- The Division of Revenue Bill (which had since become an Act) made provision for the division of revenue that was nationally collected, and for its sharing between the two levels of government. It certainly had a significant impact on the county governments. In the circumstances, therefore, the Reference in the instant case properly fell under article 163(6) of the Constitution, as a matter that concerned county governments. The Supreme Court thus, had to exercise its discretion in favour of rendering an Advisory Opinion.
- A matter qualified to be regarded as one of county government only where: that was the case in the terms of the Constitution; it was the case in the terms of statute law; it was the case in the perception of the Court, in view of the function involved or the relation created as between the national government and its processes, on the one hand, and the county governments and their operations on the other. In the last instance, the Court would conscientiously consider the relationship between the two units as this emerged from the governance operation in question, or from any pertinent scenarios of fact.
- An Opinion from the Supreme Court would not only resolve procedural uncertainties in the deliberation upon and passing of Bills, but would also chart out the proper constitutional path, and establish lines of legality. This was not a proper matter for litigation in the High Court. The public interest consideration was a relevant factor as to the issue whether the Supreme Court would, in the circumstances of the case, proceed to give an Advisory Opinion.
- The separation of powers concept had to take into account the context, design and purpose of the Constitution; the values and principles enshrined in the Constitution; the vision and ideals reflected in the Constitution.
- The Supreme Court had the responsibility for casting the devolution concept, and its instruments in the shape of county government, in the legitimate course intended by the people. It devolved upon the Court to signal directions of compliance by state organs, with the principles, values and prescriptions of the Constitution; and as regards the functional machinery of governance which expressed those values, such as devolution and its scheme of financing, the Court had the legitimate charge of showing the proper course.
- The context and terms of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, vested in the Supreme Court the mandate when called upon to consider and pronounce itself upon the legality and propriety of all constitutional processes and functions of State organs. The effect was that the Supreme Court’s jurisdiction included resolving any question touching on the mode of discharge of the legislative mandate.
- It would be illogical to contend that as the Standing Orders were recognized by the Constitution, the Supreme Court, which had the mandate to authoritatively interpret the Constitution itself, was precluded from considering their constitutionality merely because the Standing Orders are an element in the internal procedures of Parliament. As a legal and constitutional principle, Courts had the competence to pronounce on the compliance of a legislative body, with the processes prescribed for the passing of legislation.
- The scope for the Supreme Court’s intervention in the course of a running legislative process had to be left to the discretion of the Court, exercised on the basis of the circumstances of each case. The relevant considerations could be factors such as: the likelihood of the resulting statute being valid or invalid; the harm that could be occasioned by an invalid statute; the prospects of securing remedy, where invalidity was the outcome; the risk that would attend a possible violation of the Constitution.
- Kenya’s legislative bodies had an obligation to discharge their mandate in accordance with the terms of the Constitution, and they could not plead any internal rule or indeed, any statutory scheme, as a reprieve from that obligation. The Supreme Court recognized the fact that the Constitution vested the legislative authority of the Republic in Parliament. Such authority was derived from the people. This position was embodied in Article 94(1) thereof
- Article 93(2) provided that the national Assembly and the Senate were to perform their respective functions in accordance with the Constitution. It was therefore clear that while the legislative authority lay with Parliament, the same was to be exercised subject to the dictates of the Constitution.
- While Parliament was within its general legislative mandate to establish procedures of how it conducted its business, it had always to abide by the prescriptions of the Constitution. It could not operate besides or outside the four corners of the Constitution. The Supreme Court would not question each and every procedural infraction that would occur in either of the Houses of Parliament. The Court could not supervise the workings of Parliament. The institutional comity between the three arms of government could not be endangered by the unwarranted intrusions into the workings of one arm by another.
- Where a question arose as to the interpretation of the Constitution, the Supreme Court, being the apex judicial organ in the land, could not invoke institutional comity to avoid its constitutional duty. Parliament had to operate under the Constitution which was the supreme law of the land.
- Where the Constitution decreed a specific procedure to be followed in the enactment of legislation, both Houses of Parliament were bound to follow that procedure. If Parliament violated the procedural requirements of the supreme law of the land, it was for the courts of law, not least the Supreme Court to assert the authority and supremacy of the Constitution.
- The Supreme Court would be averse to questioning Parliamentary procedures that were formulated by the Houses to regulate their internal workings as long as the same did not breach the Constitution. Where however, as in the instant case, one of the Houses was alleging that the other had violated the Constitution, and moved the Court to make a determination by way of an Advisory Opinion, it would be remiss of the Court to look the other way. Understood in this context therefore, by rendering the Opinion, the Court would not be violating the doctrine of separation of powers. It would simply be performing its solemn duty under the Constitution and the Supreme Court Act.
- Whereas all State organs, for instance, the two Chambers of Parliament, were under obligation to discharge their mandates as described or signalled in the Constitution, there came a time when the prosecution of such mandates raised conflicts touching on the integrity of the Constitution itself. All reading of the Constitution indicated that the ultimate judge of right and wrong in such cases, short was only the Courts and, ultimately, the Supreme Court. Therefore, the Supreme Court had the jurisdiction to hear and determine the dispute which arose between the two Chambers of Parliament.
- A Bill concerning county government could be categorized as special or ordinary. Article 110(3) provided that prior to a consideration of the Bill, the Speakers of the National Assembly and Senate had to jointly resolve any question as to whether it was a Bill concerning counties and, if so, whether it was a special or an ordinary Bill.
- The Division of Revenue Bill was a Bill bearing provisions that dealt with the equitable sharing of revenue which would certainly affect the functioning of county government. The Bill dealt with equitable allocation of funds to the counties, and so any improper design in its scheme would certainly occasion inability on the part of the county-units to exercise their powers and to discharge their functions as contemplated under the Constitution.
- The Senate had a clear role to play, in the processing of the Division of Revenue Bill. The Speaker of the National Assembly should have complied with the terms of Article 112 of the Constitution; and the National Assembly should have considered the deliberations of the Senate on record and, failing concurrence on legislative choices, the matter should have been brought before a mediation committee, in accordance with the terms of Article 113 of the Constitution.
- The internal parliamentary mechanism for consultation, co-ordination and harmony, though a constitutional prescription and a device of the democratic dispensation, had to be engaged in the first place by individual persons, in the shape of the two Speakers who, however, in the instant case, had disempowered the institutional design, by simply showing a disinclination to reach out to each other.
- The Senate’s initial filtering role fell well within the design and purpose of the Constitution, and expressed the sovereign intent of the people: this could not be taken away by either Chamber or either Speaker thereof.
- The dominant perception at the time of constitution-making was that the decentralization of powers would not only give greater access to the social goods previously regulated centrally, but would also open up the scope for political self-fulfilment, through an enlarged scheme of actual participation in governance mechanisms by the people thus giving more fulfilment to the concept of democracy.
- Devolution as a required constitutional practice ran in parallel with an attendant set of values, declared in Article 10 of the Constitution: the rule of law, democracy, participation of the people, human dignity, equity, social justice, inclusiveness, equality, human rights, non-discrimination and the protection of the marginalized.
- It was obvious that the Speaker of the National Assembly by abandoning all engagement or consultation with the Speaker of the Senate, and proceeding as he did in the matter before the Supreme Court had acted contrary to the Constitution and its fundamental principles regarding the harmonious motion of State institutions.
- Neither Speaker could, to the exclusion of the other, determine the nature of a Bill for that would inevitably result in usurpations of jurisdiction, to the prejudice of the constitutional principle of the harmonious interplay of State institutions.
- It was evident that the Senate, though entrusted with a less expansive legislative role than the National Assembly, stood as the Constitution’s safeguard for the principle of devolved government. This purpose would be negated if the Senate were not to participate in the enactment of legislation pertaining to the devolved units, the counties.
- From a broad purposive view of the Constitution, the intent of the drafters as regards the exercise of legislative powers was that any disagreement as to the nature of a Bill had to be harmoniously settled through mediation. An obligation was thus placed on the two Speakers, where they could not agree between themselves, to engage the mediation mechanism.
- In the instant case, only the Court’s guidance on critical constitutional questions was sought; but the Court was not asked to make a conventional judicial order annulling the Division of Revenue Act, 2013. Thus, the applicants options in the rectification of a problematic statute, such, for instance, as regular amendment procedures, remained uncompromised.
- The object of efficacy in law-making, as a constitutional task, stood in favour of sustaining the legislation already achieved. The Court’s inclination in this respect, however, would not compromise its options in the future, in any matter akin to the instant one.
- Devolution fell within the ambit of important constitutional and other legal matters, by the meaning of Section 3(d) of the Supreme Court Act. That was why Advisory Opinions under Article 163 (6) was one of the two matters in which the Supreme Court was entrusted with exclusive jurisdiction. The other matter was the determination of disputes relating to election to the office of the President (Article 163 (3) (a)).
- The creation of the Supreme Court as the apex Court in the Constitution of Kenya 2010 was informed by a desire and need to have a fresh Court oversee the constitutional birth of a new order. In executing its mandate the Court had, therefore, to be appreciative of its unique constitutional mission as a substantive rather than a decorative device, deliberately created to oversee Kenya’s successful constitutional and institutional transition.
- The devolution provisions in Chapter 11 of the 2010 Constitution were a major shift from the fiscal and administrative decentralisation initiatives that preceded it. It encompassed elements of political, administrative and fiscal devolution. There was a vertical and horizontal dispersal of power that put the exercise of state power in check. Importantly, the Constitution had created a Senate, an institution that enjoyed direct legitimacy and a popular mandate, commanding it to be the protector of devolution.
- It would be completely out of order for the Speaker of the National Assembly to interpret the powers of the National Assembly by only looking at Article 95 of the Constitution, without paying regard to Articles 96 and 110 of the Constitution which unequivocally incorporated the role of the Senate and of its Speaker.
- The constitutional commitment to protect, and its signal of the search for a more perfect devolution, implied that, in interpreting the devolution provisions, where contestations regarding power and resources arose, the Supreme Court had to take a generous approach. The competing claims were not supposed to descend into institutional anarchy or dysfunctionality as that would compromise the developmental aspirations invested by the people, in devolution. The Supreme Court would not hesitate to pronounce itself with final authority, by laying down the proper juridical structures consolidating the devolution-concept where they are required, and stabilizing our Constitution, as was expected.
- The fact that the constitutional clauses on devolution were founded on political compromise by the elite was not sufficient reason to compromise the popular desire for a devolved system of government that empowered communities, and unlocked the developmental potential of the country.
- Article 96 of the Constitution represented the purpose of the Senate as to protect devolution. Therefore, when there was even a scintilla of a threat to devolution, and the Senate approached the Court to exercise its advisory jurisdiction under Article 163 (6) of the Constitution, the Court had a duty to ward off the threat. The Court’s inclination would not be any different if some other State organ approached it. Thus, if the process of devolution was threatened, whether by Parliamentary or other institutional acts, a basis emerged for remedial action by the Courts in general, and by the Supreme Court in particular.
- The politics of formulae yielded the minimum allocation-provision of not less than fifteen per cent, a plain indication that more was anticipated. If there was no expectation for more, the framers would have prescribed not a floor, but an upper ceiling or, in the alternative, a specific and static percentage. However, the justice of formulae, which was the arena of the Supreme Court, moved the Court’s interpretative indicator in the direction of the Senate’s application, which stood for more resources to the counties, in the future.
- The Division of Revenue Bill was neither classified as an ordinary Bill nor a special Bill, in clear contrast to the County Allocation of Revenue Bill. Article 218 distinguished the purposes of the two Bills. Article 218(1)(a) provided that the Division of Revenue Bill was to divide revenue raised by national government amongst the two levels of government, in accordance with the Constitution. On the other hand, the County Revenue Allocation Bill was to divide among the counties the revenue allocated to the county level of government, on a basis determined by Senate resolution in force under Article 217.
Dissenting Per N.S Ndungu, SCJ
- The instant case was not one where the Supreme Court’s advisory jurisdiction was exercisable. The drafters of the Constitution no doubt knowingly used the term may under article 163(6), implying that the exercise of this jurisdiction was discretionary. This discretion was to be exercised in a manner that ascribed to the institutional architecture of the Constitution while protecting the authority of the Supreme Court and, effectively utilizing the principle of judicial restraint whenever necessary. Restraint covered other activities of judges such as applying strictly the rules of standing, declining to consider a case until the applicant had exhausted other remedies, and avoidance of determinations on political questions.
- The exercise of powers by the Legislature and the Executive was subject to judicial restraint. However, the court’s exercise of such power could only be subject to the self-imposed discipline of judicial restraint. (Asif Hameed & Others v State of Jammu & Kashmir & Others (1989) AIR 1899, 1989 SCR (3) 19).
- The Legislature was supreme in its own sphere under the Constitution and it was solely upon the Legislature to determine when and in respect of what matter the laws were to be enacted. Accordingly, to render an advisory opinion in this reference would inevitably interfere with the principle of separation of powers between the Judicial and the Legislative arms of government. The Judiciary was only obliged to consider the constitutionality of the substance of the impugned statute but not the legislative process. The instant matter only raised issues of process of arriving at, and not the constitutionality of the content of the subject statute - the Division of Revenue Bill.
- The court’s role was to check that the legislature did not overstep its mandate and legislate on matters it was not mandated to legislate on, but the court was not supposed to delve into the legislative process to find out whether the Parliamentary proceedings were carried on as required. This was for the separation of powers between the legislative and judicial arm of government to be preserved.
- The Constitution did not oust the doctrine of separation of powers between the three arms of government. Just as Parliament was expected to operate within its constitutional powers as an arm of government so was the Judiciary. The system of checks and balances that prevented autocracy, restrained institutional excesses and prevented abuse of power applied equally to the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary. No one arm of government was infallible and all were equally vulnerable to the dangers of acting ultra vires the Constitution.
- The Court’s jurisdiction to render an advisory opinion in a reference of this nature that directly questioned internal workings of the legislature was not to be exercised as it would encroach on separation of powers between the legislative and judicial arm of government. Even if the courts were to intervene, they had to satisfy themselves that formal and informal dispute resolution mechanisms had first been fully exhausted.
- This was a dispute requiring an interpretation of the Constitution, and which had been disguised as a matter for an advisory opinion, in order to come before the Supreme Court. The Applicants requested for an advisory opinion, on a matter which was clearly adversarial and which should have followed a number of political or judicial processes before reaching the apex court. It left no room for any appeal or review and placed the Court in the difficult and inappropriate position of being arbiter in a dispute in the first and not last instance. This was a clearly a situation in which the Supreme Court had to exercise its discretion not to give an advisory opinion.
- Judicial resolution was not appropriate where it was clear in a matter such as in the instant case that the political question doctrine would apply. This doctrine was well established by, and has been in practice since, the decision of Marbury v. Madison 5 U.S. 137 (1803), in which the US Supreme Court deemed a question of law inappropriate for judicial review because it could be resolved by the political and not judicial process. Under this doctrine, the interpretation of the Constitution was left to the politically accountable branches of government.
- The interpretation of the Constitution was not an exclusive duty and preserve of the Courts but applied to all State organs including Parliament. What was exclusive to the Courts was interpretation of the Constitution within a legal dispute brought in the normal manner before a superior court and which was afforded the necessary processes of appeals, right up to the Supreme Court. Disputes, however, did exist in other forms that required not judicial intervention and determination, but rather resolution of a political nature.
- The division of revenue was a process that concerned the application of national resources to development and indeed how the resources would be allocated. The nature of the question was one of perennial debate and argumentative character. It required a combination of several political processes of demands, negotiations, debates, stand-offs, retreats and finally resolution. These disputes would also be multi-layered; inter-party, intra-party, inter-regional and even as in the instant case inter-chamber or internal institutional disagreements.
- It was the National Assembly that determined the appropriation and allocation of revenue at the national level and between the levels of government; conversely it was the Senate that allocated revenue among counties. There was certainly no doubt that the drafters of the Constitution intended on drawing a clear distinction between the functions of the National Assembly and the functions of the Senate with regard to division of revenue between the national government and the county government.
- Only Bills that concerned county government would be considered by Senate. All other Bills were to be originated in and considered by the National Assembly, exclusively.
- The devolved system in Kenya was based on a unitary system of Government that decentralizes key functions and services to the county unit. The Kenyan State model was not federal in nature and did not envisage the workings of a county as a politically and financially independent state.
- For any Bill to be deemed as one concerning county government it had to specifically affect the functions and powers of the county governments as set out in the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution. In addition, the provisions of the Bill had to be limited to the ambit of Part 2 of that Schedule which provided for the functions and powers of county governments. In the event that such a Bill went beyond the scope of Part 2 of that Schedule it could not in any way be deemed to be a Bill concerning county government.
- A Bill that concerned the funding of functions outside of those specified to the Counties under the Fourth Schedule, such as the Division of Revenue Bill would fail the test of being considered as a Bill relating to county government. To Allowing the Senate to participate in the enactment of a Bill that went beyond the parameters of what counties could do within the Fourth Schedule, would certainly then be unconstitutional.
- It was clear that a Money Bill was one that provided for levying taxes, altering taxes or appropriation of the consolidated funds. In quite a number of countries the Speaker of the House that corresponded to the Kenyan National Assembly was the final determinant of what Bill would be considered to be a Money Bill and his decision was final. The Division of Revenue Bill would be considered a money bill and was subject to the same procedure as a Money Bill under article 114, which was the purview of the National Assembly.
- In the same context the County Allocation of Revenue Bill would also be considered a money or supply Bill but was a Special Bill as the procedure for dealing with it was completely different. It was specifically provided for as a process within the Senate and not the National Assembly under article 217.
- Once the Division of Revenue Bill that divided revenue between the national and county levels of Government was introduced in the National Assembly, Senate had no role to play. The Supreme law clearly gave the Senate an opportunity to make input into the Division of Revenue Bill but only before it was introduced into the National Assembly for debate.
- Under Article 215 the Senate commanded a majority in the nine-member commission that had five representatives from Senate alone, compared with only two from the National Assembly and only two from the Executive arm of Government. This meant that the Senate commanded a decisive vote with regard to the recommendations that went into the drafting of the Division of Revenue Bill, long before it reached the National Assembly for determination. Any significant deviation from such recommendations would require a written explanation from the Cabinet Secretary responsible for finance, the intention and the rationale of the drafters of the Constitution was to ensure that the Senate had comprehensive input into the allocation of revenue at that stage, deeming unnecessary any more activity at the legislative stage.
- The process of dealing with inter-chamber deadlock as applied to other Bills under Article 110(3) was not suitable for the Division of Revenue Bill as the mediation process under that Article presupposed a Bill that reached deadlock between the two houses could fail with the possibility of reintroduction after six months. This could not be done with regard to the Division of Revenue Bill as it was not a Bill that could be shelved without precipitating a constitutional financial crisis that would paralyze the workings of the entire Government and even cause its collapse.
- The Senate would also canvass for expansion of its mandate by initiating an amendment of the Constitution through referendum as articulated under Article 255(1) of the Constitution. Such an amendment could introduce common constitutional measures as practiced in other bicameral jurisdictions such as the introduction of a suspensive veto, joint sessions of the houses and even the possibility of dissolution of both houses in the event of deadlock.
- To ask the Supreme Court to give Senate powers that belonged in plain language to the National Assembly would be to seek an amendment to the Constitution in a manner not recognized by the supreme law. The tools for reviewing the Constitution to address restructuring of authority, power and functions of the Legislature and the roles of the Senate and the National Assembly lay squarely in a political and not judicial process.
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